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Follow By Martin Gottesfeld and Francis Schaeffer Cox
PLEASE NOTE: The authors have made this series available at FreeMartyG.com and Freeschaeffer.com under the latest Creative Commons by-attribution commercial-use-permitted share-alike no-derivatives license.
Former U.S. Army soldier turned radical Islamic fighter Rodney Hamrick took 68-year-old former insurance executive Robert David Neal hostage inside a federal facility. He bound Neal's hands behind his back, as well as his feet, and then executed him, ISIS-style, nearly severing his head.
Next, Hamrick rushed 77-year-old Richard Warren and stabbed him a dozen times before his cry for help led Kurt Johnson, a fellow Christian, to run into the room and save him.
Hamrick's rampage took place November, 2018. But few found out about it until now, due to a D.O.J. cover-up.
Warren ran an international bond market years earlier, and he was in a position to expose an illegitimate multimillion-dollar exchange between the C.I.A. and a Southeast-Asian dictatorship. Johnson went after lenders for runaway mortgage fraud years before the 2008 financial crisis brought the world's banking system to the verge of total collapse.
Kurt Johnson (left) and Richard Warren (right), inside the D.O.J.’s hard-to-reach "communications management unit," or "C.M.U.," in Terre Haute, Indiana. (Photo by unnamed/Public domain, 2018)
Donald Reynolds was also present for Hamrick's rampage. But a decade or so earlier Reynolds had a successful distribution deal with Universal Records, until the IRS and the D.O.J. set him up during the botched and now-infamous "Operation Fast and Furious." Eric Holder then used Reynolds as his own minority fall guy, as hypocritical as that may seem.
Donald Reynolds in 2019 (Photo by unnamed/Public domain, 2019)
Francis Schaeffer Cox, one of the reporters who wrote this series, was a conservative political organizer and a pro-Second Amendment politician when he uncovered a government-backed drug-trafficking and child-sex-abuse ring in his home state of Alaska. The Anchorage U.S. attorney's office and the F.B.I. then went after him in a readily apparent effort to protect themselves and their allies. Meanwhile, they were also engaged in Operation Polar Pen, a D.O.J.-backed initiative in Alaska that gave Democrats a filibuster-proof 60-vote supermajority in the Senate in 2009, when every vote was crucial to pass Obamacare and the rest of Obama's legislative agenda.
Francis Schaeffer Cox with his family (Cox family photo, 2011)
And Martin MartyG Gottesfeld, the other reporter, interceded on behalf of a 15-year-old girl named Justina Pelletier when smug Harvard-affiliated doctors tortured, crippled, and nearly killed her, rather than admit that they had been wrong about her case of mitochondrial (pronounced might-toe conn-dree-uhl) disease. Without hurting a soul, he single-handedly knocked Obama's $36-billion Ivy-League alma mater off of the Internet during an online mega-fundraiser, bruising a lot of very sensitive egos at Harvard while helping to save Justina's life.
Martin MartyG"Gottesfeld with his wife (Photo courtesy of FreeMartyG.com, 2016)
What do each of these men and their stories share in common, other than embarrassing the well-oiled political machine operated by Obama, Clinton, Holder, Lynch, Comey, and others?
Most people don't know that D.O.J., through its federal Bureau of Prisons, funds a pair of covert "black site" facilities, dedicated to hiding people and potentially scandalous cases like these, which the former leaders of the D.O.J. seem to fear. And unlike other U.S. government-funded black sites abroad, these two are hidden in plain view, on sprawling but otherwise-unremarkable federal compounds in the central United States. Hugh J. Hurwitz, below, was demoted in August 2019 following the Jeffrey Epstein suicide scandal and replaced by previous Bureau of Prisons director Kathleen Hawk Sawyer. On February 25, 2020, Attorney General William Barr appointed Michael Carvajal as the B.O.P.'s permanent director.
Hugh J. Hurwitz, an Obama D.O.J. holdover, only lost firm control of the department’s "black sites" more than two years into the Trump administration. (Left: Hugh Hurwitz, photo courtesy of BOP.gov (2019); middle: Kathleen Hawk Sawyer, screen grab from C-SPAN (2019); right: Michael Carvajal, photo courtesy of BOP.gov (date unknown))
"The public is completely unaware," said David Knight, host of Real News with David Knight. "They know what mainstream media tells them, which is what government wants them to know."
As obvious as the locations of these black sites may be, their true purpose is secretive, counterintuitive, and devious. So much so, that just a few short years ago, during the Obama administration, it might have proved impossible to pierce the veil of misinformation that the D.O.J. has woven around its clandestine communications-management units or C.M.U.s in Marion, Illinois, and Terre Haute (pronounced like teh-ruh hoe-ght), Indiana. Managing to publish the whole truth about what—and whom—can be found there would've been another challenge entirely.
But the D.O.J.'s recently departed top brass just got caught in perhaps the lie of the century, one that they used disingenuously for years in order to mask many of their operations as supposed efforts to protect the American democratic process and bust the bad guys. In light of their freshly uncovered deception, now might be the right time for the public, the press, and the federal judiciary each to examine, quite carefully, the façade that has long masked these largely secret and little-known facilities before anyone else is brutally murdered at one of them due to religious hatred.
The D.O.J.'s two domestic communications management units (C.M.U.s) are located on the grounds of the United States Penitentiary (U.S.P.) Marion, Illinois (left), and the Federal Correctional Institution (F.C.I.) Terre Haute, Indiana (right). (Public domain)
"They're the excuse," begins Cox, referring to the group of convicted Jihadi fighters held at the D.O.J.’s communications management units and who—at least on paper—serve as the continued justification for the existence of these concealed and very expensive facilities.
"But we're the real reason," finishes Cox, referring to his own smaller group, consisting mostly of Republicans.
Like Cox, they too were arrested on dubious federal charges, largely during the Obama years. And they are here, it seems, to be swept under the rug. Indeed, hardly anyone knows they are in the C.M.U.s in the first place, and the D.O.J. and its allies in the courts and the media appear to like it that way.
A lot fewer questions are asked about what happens in the C.M.U.s due to their media moniker, "Gitmo North," and the misperception that the D.O.J. uses these black sites only to lock up radical Muslims, like the recently released F.C.I. Terre Haute C.M.U. inmate John Walker Lindh.
"American Taliban" member John Walker Lindh was recently released from the F.C.I. Terre Haute communications management unit (C.M.U.). (Public domain)
In reality the C.M.U.s hold about 80 prisoners at any given time, and most of them are not Jihadis. Word on the grapevine is that the D.O.J. is now planning to expand the C.M.U.s by about 20 percent as well, to a capacity of 95.
And the cases the majority of the media do not cover from the C.M.U.s are more scandalous than those they do.
So, Cox and his group are held hundreds or even thousands of miles away from their nearest kin, and their communications with the outside world are tightly restricted under the threat of the D.O.J.'s brutal revenge, even as a new attorney general now takes the reins and as an increasing number of people on the outside are recognizing them as political prisoners.
